Showing posts with label IWF. Show all posts
Showing posts with label IWF. Show all posts

Wednesday, February 17, 2010

Filtering round up: French filtering, Ireland backs off, UK sidesteps?

Bit of a round up here on some interesting stories of last few weeks on aspects of filtering that I've been accumulating.

Increasingly, stories as to filtering out illegal content such as child porn; blocking infringing downloads of copyright material by deep packet inspection and disconnection; and filtering to fight the "war on terror" are converging. For all of these, the same issues come up again and again: privacy; proof, transparency and other aspects of due process; and scope creep. These 3 stories illustrate this well. For my own recent take on the issue of Net filtering, as I said before, see my Internet pornograohy chapter on SSRN, which suggests the need for a Free Speech Impact Assessment before non transparent stateNet filtering schemes are introduced, for whatever purpose.

Filtering of illegal content in France

Thanks to @clarinette on Twitter (whose real name I am not absolutely sure of!!) for pointing me to another important European move towards non transparent Internet filtering - this time in France. From La Quadrature de Net:

Paris, February 11th, 2010 - During the debate over the French security bill (LOPPSI), the government opposed all the amendments seeking to minimize the risks attached to filtering Internet sites. The refusal to make this measure experimental and temporary shows that the executive could not care less about its effectivity to tackle online child pornography or about its disastrous consequences. This measure will allow the French government to take control of the Internet, as the door is now open to the extension of Net filtering.

The refusal to enact Net filtering as an experimental measure is a proof of the ill-intended objective of the government. Making Net filtering a temporary measure would have shown that it is uneffective to fight child pornography.

As the recent move1 of the German government shows, only measures tackling the problem at its roots (by deleting the incriminated content from the servers; by attacking financial flows) and the reinforcement of the means of police investigators can combat child pornography.

Moreover, whereas the effectivity of the Net filtering provision cannot be proven, the French government refuses to take into account the fact that over-blocking - i.e the "collateral censorship" of perfectly lawful websites - is inevitable2. Net filtering can now be extended to other areas, as President Sarkozy promised to the pro-HADOPI ("Three-Strikes" law) industries3."

LQN are never exactly ones to mince their words:-) so the strong nature of this statement should perhas be taken with some care - but Pangloss intends to go investigate this story further.

Ireland, Eirecom, disconnection and DP

Meanwhile in a surprising twist, Eirecom have apparently pulled out of the negotiated settlement they reached in January 2009 to disconnect subscribers "repeatedly" using P2P for (alleged) illicit downloading. This was the result of the Irish court case brought against them by various parts of the music industry for hosting illegal downloads, and appeared to open up a route to "voluntary" notice and disconnection schemes on the part of the ISP industry; a worrying trend both for advocates of free speech, privacy, due process, ISP immunity and net neutrality.

Now however according to the Times:

As part of the agreement, Irma said it would use piracy-tracking software to trace IP addresses, which can identify the location of an internet user, and pass this information to Eircom. The company would then use the details to identify its customer, and take action.

But the office of the Data Protection Commissioner (DPC) has indicated that using customers’ IP addresses to cut off their internet connection as a punishment for illegal downloading does not constitute “fair use” of personal information. Irma and Eircom have asked the High Court to rule on whether these data-protection concerns mean the 2009 settlement cannot be enforced.

This is very, very interesting. A court case on this might settle a number of outstanding DP legal issues: whether IP addresses are "always" personal data (on which see also a recent EU study demonstarting the disharmny across Europe on this) and if not, when; what the scope of the exemmptions for preventing and investigating crime are; and what"fair" means in the whole context of the DP principles, purpose limitation and notice for processing.

Not only that but as the Times indicate, the human rights issues which have been repeatedly aired in debate around "three strikes" generally, would also come into play as well, as the straight DP law. Is use of a customer's personal data to cut them off from the Internet a proportionate response to a minor civil infringement? Does it breach a fundamantal right of freedom of expression or association? Does it breach due process? This could be the DP case of the decade. Pangloss is geekily excited. If anyone out there is involved in this case, do let me know.

UK cops don't terrorise the IWF?

Finally , as widely reported, the UK Home Office has introduced a website hotline for the public to report suspected terrorist or hate speech sites. Reports are then vetted by ACPO, the Association of Chief Police Officers, who it appears can then take action, not only by investigating in normal way, but also by asking the relevant host site to take down. The official press release notes : "If a website meets the threshold for illegal content, officers can exercise powers under section 3 of the Terrorism Act 2006 to take it down." Indeed on serving such a notice, the host only has 2 days to take down or loss immunity under the UK ECD Regs.

As TJ McIntyre also notes, this is a rather significant development, not just in itself but for sidestepping use of the Internet Watch Foundation (IWF). There have been persistent rumours since and before then-Home Sec Jacqui Smith's famous speech in Jan 2008, that theUK government was attempting to pressurise the IWF into adding reports of hate speech/terror to its block- or black-list; and that the IWF was as strongly resisting this, hate speech being a somewhat more ambiguous and controversial matter than adjudicating on child sexual imagery.

It seems then that the IWF has held fast and the Home Office have backed off and created their own scheme, which embraces only take down in the UK, not access blocking to sites abroad (?). Whether this is ideal remains to be seen. The IWF, at least until recently had the services of esteemed law prof Ian Walden as well as a lot of accumulated experience, and may have been a better informal legal tribunal, than a bunch of chief constables, to decide on the illegality of sites under terror legislation. Who knows. On the other hand , adding alleged terror URLs to an invisible, encrypted, non public blocklist defeats every concept of transparency and public debate regarding restrictions on freedom of political speech, and Pangloss is glad to see it avoided.

Pangloss's view remains that such difficult non-objective issues are best decided by the body long set up to deal with questions of hazy legal interpretation: namely, the courts. The definition of "terrorist" material for the urposes of s 3 of the 2006 Act is as follows (s 3(7)):

"(a) something that is likely to be understood, by any one or more of the persons to whom it has or may become available, as a direct or indirect encouragement or other inducement to the commission, preparation or instigation of acts of terrorism or Convention offences; or

(b) information which—

(i) is likely to be useful to any one or more of those persons in the commission or preparation of such acts; and

(ii) is in a form or context in which it is likely to be understood by any one or more of those persons as being wholly or mainly for the purpose of being so useful."

Well I hope that clears everything up :-) Still confused? Try s 3(8)).
"(8) The reference in subsection (7) to something that is likely to be understood as an indirect encouragement to the commission or preparation of acts of terrorism or Convention offences includes anything which is likely to be understood as—

(a) the glorification of the commission or preparation (whether in the past, in the future or generally) of such acts or such offences; and

(b) a suggestion that what is being glorified is being glorified as conduct that should be emulated in existing circumstances."

Er give me that last line again?

As with previous contested IWF rulings, the same questions come up again: what is the appeal from a take down notice under s 3 to the regular courts? What notice if any is given to the site owner and the public of therfact of and reasons for take down? What safeguards are there for freedom of speech? None of these are mentioned in ss 1-4 of the 2006 Act. Nor does there seem to be a general provision in the Act for Part 1 or the whole of the 2006 Act for appeals or review. Since the police are a public body however, one imagines that judicial review might be competent. EDIT However I am helpfully informed that ACPO is a company limited by giuarantee and regards itself as not a public body at least for the purpose of FOI requests. Clarity on this would be very desirable. And as noted above record keeping of take down for terror reasons seems to be poor due to voluntary compliance by ISPs.

Finally why introduce these powers if they are to be circumvented anyway? The Register reported on 12 November 2009 that so far no notices had been issued under s 3 anyway, because the UK ISPs involved had agreed to take down voluntarily, and no record has been kept of how many sites this involved. Furthermore if a site is taken down in the UK it won't be hard to resurrect it in a foreign country, where most extremist sites will be based anyway: El Reg reports that one site the police allegedly have their eye on, al-Fateh, a Hamas anti-Jewish kids site, is in fact hosted in Russia. One imagines this will continue to increase pressure on the IWF to expand the block list despite the latest moves.


Monday, December 15, 2008

IWF v Wikipedia and the Rest of the World (except OUT-LAW)

Ever late to the party, still-bronchitic Pangloss would just like to make a few points about the Great Wikipedia Cleanfeed Debacle, if only for her own aide memoire, as she's still re-writing her porn chapter, and so she can say I told you so before it moves completely off the national radar.

In brief: IWF, allegedly little known (though much written about by Pangloss) non elected, industry based censorship quango, were told about dubiously legal naked picture of pre pubescent child on ancient record sleeve; IWF, after usual behind closed doors consideration, added image to "Cleanfeed" (as it's wrongly known) blocklist of child sexual abuse images distributed to almost every UK ISP; image found on page on Wikipedia, a high traffic site, m'lud, so more cumbersome than usual to block; (some) UK ISPs implemented IWF block requirement by funnelling their entire subscriber traffic to Wikipedia through two proxy servers, making only 2 IP addresses visible ; Wikipedia's systems interpreted this as a vandalism attack and closed down write access from UK servers; meanwhile most UK ISPs except , notably, Demon, configured their servers to return 404 error (site not found) when UK surfers searched for this page, rather than the more honest 403 (site prohibited); Demon however truthfully announced that the site had been bl0cked by the IWF as they believed it to be child porn.

Internet predictably plunged into maelstrom of geek horror at censorship of t'net; image reposted on every virtual frat dorm door; IWF reconsiders ban; and for confused reasons not apparently wholly to do with the law ("in light of the length of time the image has existed and its wide availability"), rescinds ban. Everyone happy, sort of, except OUT-Law, who stick to original guns and back IWF original ban.

Pangloss has no yearning for freedom of access to child porn and no dislike for the IWF, who are individually and collectively a most worthy and unselfish set of individuals, but she has long felt worried about the existence of Cleanfeed ever since the government effectively forced every ISP of any size in the UK to install it as proactive upstream filtering, back in late 2007, by threatening that otherwise legislation would be introduced to impose this.

Why is the IWF blocklist worrying? Not because banning access to child porn is in itself wrong - indeed since possession is a crime, preventing possession of child sexual images is arguably doing those seeking it a favour , as well as prtecting the public - but because the mechanism of censorship here employed is non transparent, covert, undemocratic, non judicial and non accountable. I argued this in a SCRIPT-ed editorial at the original time of government backed imposition of Cleanfeed, and have been glad to see this quoted in a few places lately.

I am also glad this particular incident has arisen, because it exemplifies rather beautifully some of the reasons why, although stopping child porn is a Very Good`Thing, this is not, yet, quite the right way to do it. (I am not concerned here with the isue of incompatibility between Wikipedia's defences and the IWF tactics.)

Non-transparent: it is the essence of accountable censorship in a democracy that we know that something has been censored and why, even if we are, correctly and according to law, not allowed to see it. In this incident, only Demon provided that information (and apparently against their own best legal advice!) Why did no other ISP supply this information?

One problem suggested is that if an ISP says "You cannot see this because it is child porn" and it turns out not to be in law, then an action for libel might fall against the ISP. However this can be easily avoided by wording such as Demon indeed used ("we aren't showing you it because the IWF said it might be unlawful"). As`an even more belt and braces excuse, even draconian English libel law clearly allows for public interest privilege, ie, that sometimes there is a duty to say what you believe to be true for the benefit of the public, even though there may be legal dubiety as to its truth. That would surely apply to a warning that a user could not access an image because it was believed to be child pornography.

As a first step, the IWF must (as ORG has also suggested) issue guidelines to UK ISPs that there must be 403 transparency in cases like this in the future, not 404 obfuscation.

Non-judicial: the IWF has often said, when criticised in the past, that it does not need to be a court, nor composed of lawyers and/or judges to do its job, while its scope is restricted to simple images of child sexual abuse. With child porn, they say, "an elephant is an elephant". Yet the case in point clearly stood at the edge of legal certainty. And this case did not even concern less well defined legal areas the IWF purports to review, such as hate speech (added to its remit relatively recently, and unlilaterally.)

Non-accountable: the IWF`applied their own appeals procedure to the decision, after media pressure, and reversed it. Effectively they changed their mind. This is not how true courts and tribunals work, where an appeal must be heard by a seperate body with an account of what factors lead to a different legal decision. The IWF may have truely reconsidered their opinion as to the law (although their own press release rather speaks against this), but they may equally well have simply bent to public pressure, or practical enforcement problems. For those who truly want an objective system which responsibly cracks down on child porn, this is surely unacceptable. Justice is a system, not an arbitrary private discretion.

Combining the two factors above, we come to a simple conclusion that the IWF to meet basic principles of due process and retain respect and public confidence must consist of judges, or at least be chaired by, a judge.

It is simply historical accident that this is not the case already. The IWF was set up in haste in the early days of the Internet, not as a government agency or tribunal, but as a protective self-regulatory watchdog body, whose aim was to to protect the ISP industry from being prosecuted as distributors of child porn.

In the years since, the IWF has done a great deal to up its"pro bono" profile, eg added members from children's charities, released statistics and minutes, trained its members (though exactly how is not clear); but it remains fundamentally a self appointed quango of non judicial, and non elected membership. This is simply not the right way to deal with as important a decision as the one it makes, which simultaneously label sites as criminal suppliers of child porn, users as criminal possessors, and restricts public freedom of expression.

Having the IWF chaired by a judge would also enable it to resist popular or media - or governmental - pressure to remove - or add - an item to the blocklist. Here we come to the most worrying part of this whole affair; the fact that IWF censorship is covert. Court based, conventional justice is public; proceeding are public, reports are available. With the IWF, however, not only are the decisions taken behind closed doors, arguably understandable in the light of the sensitivity of the matter under concrn, but so is the implementation.

The IWF blocklist is encrypted; arguably so that when it is sent to ISPs, the number of people who can actually read it is minimised. Again, many would agree with this as an aim - a comprehensive list of illegal child porn sites and images (effectively a user's guide to finding child porn) would certainly be worth a great deal to some people, and would not be in the public interest to releease.

But the consequent opacity of the blacklist and the lack of any public vetting of it or access to it, means that in theory almost anything could be added to the list without almost anyone in the country knowing. (And this could be done by the ISP, as well as by the government pressurising the IWF.)

As I wrote in 2007, it is widely rumoured that the IWF has already come under some governmental pressure to add sites containing pro-terrorist images, notably videos of hostage executions. These images may be unpleasant but they are not AFAIK illegal to view. Have we done right to construct a system which provides for secret nationwide blocking of any kind of unwanted online content?

Again I would suggest the presence of a judge as chair of the IWF should restrain these fears, and restore national confidence. As OUT-LAW noted we DO certainly already have censorship in the UK and yes, it is sometimes a good thing; but I want the kind of censorship we already have : acountable, publicised, judicial censorship. Struan says "The government trusts it[the IWF] to do this job." Well, I don't. I trust judges, as any good law student should. Censors should be independent, not just of the state, but of other interest groups, such as the industry itself, and yes, the child protection sector. There is no good reason other than cost (which is not a good reason) why the Internet alone of media should be subject to non judicial yet government imposed censorship.

Finally, what this incident has also revealed is the strangeness of a system where illegal material is successfully and swiftly removed in the UK primarily by means of notice and takedown (the IWF boast, quite rightly, that in their few years of existence they have managed to almost wholly remove child porn from UK servers) but where we apparently make no effort to procure take down abroad, before blocking, even from well known and responsible sites like Wikipedia. (And yes, Wikipedia refused to take down this time - but that does not mean they always would, or that all other sites would act in the same way.)

As Richard Clayton has pointed out in the past, international co-operation now means that foreign phishing sites can usually be taken down in hours , not days; why can we not achieve this for foreign servers hosting child porn? There may be legal dificulties outstanding here I am not aware of, but it seems obvious that more take down means less need for blocking, means less oportunity for covert censorship - unless that is the aim..?

I hope these concerns will be taken forward, perhaps as one of the research projects sponsored by the Safer Internet Programme mentioned below?

Thursday, April 17, 2008

Stamping out child abuse image websites?

Interesting report on the Beeb about how the IWF have identified how many sites trade such images and concluded there are 2,755 such sites worldwide.

"Of these, 80% are judged to be fully commercial operations.

The IWF said this "manageable" number could be eliminated if net firms, governments and police worked together".

A laudable aim and if achieved, quite amazing. It doesn't of course take into account the anecdotally well known fact that serious organised pedophile rings now mainly obtain and swap their wares via closed P2p nets - "darknets" - and that penetrating these is getting ever harder since the arrival of easily used encrypted P2P.

However perhaps this isn't the time to be too cynical (what me?) and as the IWF imply, closing down commercial websites would at least cut off the feed from those not already inducted into the "inner circles" of darknets.

Then perhaps we could start putting more resources into actual child abuse in this country and less into the shadowy scare figure of the online pedophile :)